House Speaker Mike Johnson attended a confidential meeting with pro-Israel representatives from multiple groups on Capitol Hill last Wednesday, where he reportedly voiced worries about increasing “isolationist” sentiments within the Republican Party.
Contacting multiple people who were present at the meeting, Jewish Insider stated, “Johnson, who introduced himself to the group as a ‘Reagan Republican’ emphasizing ‘peace through strength,’ admitted that isolationist views are gaining traction within the Republican Party, and that the party is expected to face significant discussions on this topic once President Donald Trump is no longer in office.”
The report stated, “And Johnson informed the group that, in his efforts to recruit candidates, he is trying to eliminate isolationists to stop that faction of the party from becoming bigger in the House, according to four attendees of the meeting.”
Although it remains uncertain what Johnson intended by the term “isolationists,” it is probable, considering his audience, that he is referring to individuals who do not back the far-right pro-Israel stance, criticize Israel’s conflict in Gaza, and/or promote Palestinian rights. The term is frequently employed by neoconservatives and other supporters of American military involvement to discredit those who favor a more restrained approach.
In any case, the “major debate” regarding Republican foreign policy—especially concerning Israel—that is expected to occur after Trump’s departure from officehas been well underway for some time. And Johnson’s campaign to eliminate the so-called “isolationists” — referring to thoseanti-war Republicans who are increasingly critical of Israel — is not new.
Nearly three decades ago, during the 1996 Republican New Hampshire presidential primary, Pat Buchanan defeated the GOP establishment’s chosen candidate, Senator Robert Dole, causing party leaders to react.worked feverishlyto ensure that’s as far as he reached.
When my previous boss, Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.), sought the U.S. Senate seat in 2010, the GOP leadershipdidn’t wantthe son of Ron Paul in the vicinity of Capitol Hill. Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) selected his own primary candidate who received theendorsementssupporters of the American military complex such as former Vice President Dick Cheney and former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani.
Cheney did not support any other GOP primary that year butinsistedthat Paul’s more aggressive opponent was considered the “true conservative” in that election.
After Paul secured victory in the general electiona landslide, former speechwriter for George W. Bush and influential neoconservative David Frumlamented, “How come the GOP has lost its defenses against a candidate like Rand Paul?”
The senator’s father — who was also a former member of Congress — never came close to the White House during his two Republican presidential campaigns in 2008 and 2012, but he did contribute to the rise of a significant anti-war populist movement, whose popularity hasworriedthe veteran squad for many years.
Ever since Donald Trump declaredthat the George W. Bush administrationlieddiscussing the Iraq War on a Republican presidential debate stage in 2016, and subsequently winning the election, GOP foreign policy discussions quickly broadened beyond a military-first perspective.
It became acceptable to embrace “America First,” which meant placing the interests of one’s own country above those of other nations, whether it involved foreign money or foreign conflicts, something that posed a challenge to those who aimed to make the world safer for democracy, as neoconservatives often asserted they were doing.
So, if Speaker Johnson is concerned about internal discussions within the GOP regarding the party’s stance on Israel and aims to stop such debates from escalating, he has already missed the opportunity.
Certainly, surveys have indicated that Republicans are gradually drifting from their usual automatic backing of Israel. Regarding the Gaza conflict, a new Associated Press-NORC pollrevealedA growing number of Americans from both political parties believe Israel’s military actions have crossed a line.
Approximately 7 out of 10 Democrats hold this view now, an increase from 58% in November 2023,” the report stated. “And about half of independents share this opinion, compared to roughly 4 out of 10 in the previous survey.
“Republicans have also seen a small increase, from 18% to 24%,” reported the AP.
A late August pollshowed that 14% of Republicans had grown comfortable referring to Israel’s actions in Gaza as “genocide.” As RSobservedThree weeks prior, “the perspective that Washington’s backing has facilitated Israeli activities in Gaza was widely shared across party lines. Almost three-quarters of Democrats (72%) concurred with this viewpoint, along with 57% of Republicans and 63% of those who identify as independents.”
Another poll in JuneIt was discovered that 53% of Trump supporters did not believe, at that moment, that the U.S. military should take part in the conflict between Iran and Israel. The survey also revealed that 63% of Trump voters expressed the view that the U.S. should “participate in talks with Iran regarding its nuclear program,” whereas only 18% indicated that the U.S. should not.
Before Israel initiated its 12-day conflict with Iran this summer—after Trump became involved—a survey revealed that 64% of Republicans supported engaging in talks regarding Iran’s nuclear program.
This is why AIPAC— the influential pro-Israel advocacy organization that ensures Washington remains aligned — isponying uphundreds of thousands of dollarsto opposerestrainers such as Reps. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) and Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.). Johnson seems concerned that they and a few othersother GOP restrainerscould increase in the midterms, and pro-Israel advocates are being assured that this rising “isolationism” will be addressed. Massie and othershave acknowledged exactly what is happening to them.
Naming Mike Johnson as just the latest establishment supporter for war within his party’s ongoing struggle against any Republican who could stop it.
This storyOriginally published on Responsible Statecraft
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